Reference · Market history
Stock Market Crashes
Seven episodes since 1929, with how far each index fell, how long the fall took, and how long it took to get the level back. The last of those is the number most accounts leave out, and it is usually the one that mattered most.
The record
Figures are rounded and each is attributed to the index it describes, a Nasdaq decline and a Dow decline are not the same measurement. Recovery is nominal price recovery: the time from the peak until that index next closed at or above it, with no dividends and no inflation adjustment.
| Episode | Index | Depth | Fall took | Level regained | Trigger |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1929–32 | Dow Jones Industrial Average | −89% | ~34 months | 1954 · ~25 years | Leverage and margin debt |
| 1937–38 | Dow Jones Industrial Average | ~−49% | ~12 months | 1945 · ~8 years | Policy tightening into a fragile recovery |
| 1973–74 | S&P 500 | ~−48% | ~21 months | 1980 · ~7 years | Oil shock and inflation |
| 1987 | S&P 500 | ~−36% | ~2 months | 1989 · ~2 years | Portfolio insurance and program trading |
| 2000–02 | Nasdaq Composite | ~−78% | ~31 months | 2015 · ~15 years | Valuation collapse |
| 2007–09 | S&P 500 | ~−57% | ~17 months | 2013 · ~4 years | Mortgage credit |
| 2020 | S&P 500 | ~−34% | 33 days | 2020 · ~5 months | Pandemic shutdown |
Recovery is the number that gets left out
Depth is dramatic and easy to quote. Recovery is the figure that determined what actually happened to anyone holding the index, and it varies across two orders of magnitude, from five months to twenty-five years for episodes whose depths differ by a factor of less than three.
What the triggers have in common
Almost nothing, which is the useful finding. Margin leverage, monetary tightening, an oil shock, an automated hedging strategy, a valuation regime, a credit market and a public-health shutdown have no shared mechanism. Each was largely unforeseen in its specifics, and several were widely discussed in general terms for years beforehand without that discussion helping anyone time the outcome.
What is common is structural rather than causal: in each case a large number of holders needed to reduce exposure at the same time, through a market that could not absorb them simultaneously. That is why the volume signature is similar across episodes with nothing else in common, and it is the subject of the companion page.
Recovery measured three ways
The table above uses nominal price recovery throughout. It is worth seeing what the other two bases do to the same episodes, because the differences are not marginal and most disagreements between sources come down to this.
| Basis | What it asks | Effect on the figures |
|---|---|---|
| Nominal price | When did the index next close at its old level? | The figures in the table. What an index chart shows, and what most sources quote. |
| Total return | When was a holder whole again, dividends reinvested? | Considerably shorter everywhere, and dramatically so for the long recoveries, dividends compounding across two decades do most of the work. |
| Real (inflation-adjusted) | When did purchasing power return? | Longer, sometimes much longer. The 1970s recovery in particular looks far worse once the inflation of that decade is taken out. |
None of the three is the correct one; they answer different questions. What is not defensible is mixing them inside one table, which is common and which is why two accounts of the same decline can differ by a decade without either being wrong.
What "major" is doing in this list
Seven episodes appear above and the boundary is a judgement rather than a rule. The declines of 1962, 1990 and 2011 all reached or approached twenty per cent without producing a crash session; including them would double the table and change none of its conclusions. A different author would draw the line elsewhere, and the honest way to read any such list is as a selection with a purpose rather than as a census.
The selection matters for a specific reason. Every pattern noticed across a list like this was found by looking only at the severe cases, which is conditioning on the outcome. The same configuration of causes and market behaviour has occurred repeatedly without a severe decline following, and those occasions do not appear in any table, including this one.
The triggers, and why they do not generalise
Reading down the trigger column, the striking thing is the absence of a pattern. Margin leverage, monetary tightening into a fragile recovery, an oil shock combined with inflation, an automated hedging strategy, a valuation regime, a mortgage credit market and a public-health shutdown share no mechanism at all. Several were widely discussed in general terms for years beforehand without that discussion helping anyone time the outcome.
What they share is structural rather than causal, and it is worth stating in one sentence because it is the only generalisation this history supports: in each case a large number of holders came to need a reduction in exposure at the same time, through a market that could not absorb them simultaneously. That is why the volume behaviour is similar across episodes with nothing else in common, and it is the subject of the companion page.
The corollary is unwelcome and follows directly. If the recurring element is a constraint on market capacity rather than a specific cause, then identifying the next cause in advance is not the useful skill, and the many published attempts to do so have a record that reflects it.
Two things the table cannot show
The rallies inside the declines
A peak-to-trough figure is a straight line between two dates and hides everything in between. The 1929–32 decline contained several substantial rallies, the largest of which recovered a significant share of the initial fall before failing, which is how a decline of that length traps buyers repeatedly rather than once. The 2000–02 and 2007–09 episodes both had multi-month advances inside them. Anyone reading a depth figure as a single downward move is reading the wrong shape.
What it felt like to hold
The recovery column is the closest this page gets, and it is why that column matters more than the depth. A thirty-four per cent decline recovered in five months and a forty-nine per cent decline recovered in fifteen years are not two versions of the same experience, and depth alone ranks them almost identically. Any use of this history that stops at the depth figure has skipped the part that determined outcomes.
Reading a list like this responsibly
Two cautions. The first is selection: these are the episodes that were severe enough to be named, so any pattern found among them was found by conditioning on the outcome. The second is comparability. Market structure has changed enormously across this span, and the 1929 market had neither circuit breakers, nor modern disclosure, nor the margin rules introduced in response to it. The figures are accurate; the analogies they invite are the part that needs care.
Frequently asked questions
What counts as a crash rather than a correction?
There is no official threshold, which is worth knowing before reading any list including this one. In common use a correction is a decline of about ten per cent, a bear market twenty per cent or more, and a crash a decline that is both severe and sudden, days or weeks rather than months. The categories overlap badly: 1987 was a crash without a lengthy bear market, and 2000–02 was a long bear market containing no single day comparable to October 1987.
Why do recovery times differ so much between sources?
Because three different questions get the same name. Nominal price recovery asks when the index next closed at its old level. Total return adds reinvested dividends and is considerably faster. Real terms adjust for inflation and are considerably slower, after 1929 the Dow did not recover in inflation-adjusted terms for far longer than the nominal figure suggests. This page uses nominal price recovery throughout and says so, because a table that mixes the three is worse than no table.
Is 1929 comparable to the others at all?
Only loosely. The market of 1929 had no circuit breakers, far less disclosure, margin requirements that permitted leverage unavailable today, and a much narrower list of listed companies. The 89 per cent figure is real, but treating it as a scenario for a modern market ignores that most of the mechanisms that produced it have since been legislated away or automated out.
How quickly did each decline begin?
Very differently, and the onset is a better guide to what a decline feels like than its depth. 1987 and 2020 began abruptly from near a high, with most of the damage done in weeks. 1929, 1973 and 2000 began as ordinary-looking pullbacks that failed to recover and only became recognisable as something else months later. 2007–09 sits between: the index high was in October and the character of the market had changed well before, but the severe phase arrived nearly a year afterwards.
Were there warning signs common to all of them?
One structural condition recurs and no reliable signal does. In each case a large number of holders eventually needed to reduce exposure through a market that could not absorb them at once, leverage in 1929, programme selling in 1987, concentrated positioning in 2000, funding markets in 2008, and an abrupt reassessment in 2020. Narrowing breadth and advances on thinning volume preceded several of them, and also preceded many periods that resolved into nothing. The companion page on volume covers what that pattern does and does not support.
What ended each decline?
Nothing that generalises usefully, which is itself the finding. 1932 and 2009 ended with policy intervention on a scale not previously attempted; 1987 ended within days for reasons still argued over; 2002 ended after valuations had unwound rather than because of any single event; 2020 ended after fiscal and monetary support arrived within weeks. Anyone constructing a rule about how declines end from five episodes is working with a sample of five.
Are crashes becoming more or less frequent?
The honest answer is that the sample is far too small to say, and the framing invites a false answer either way. Two severe declines in the first two decades of this century looks like an acceleration against the second half of the twentieth; it looks like nothing against the 1929–1937 sequence. Market structure has also changed enough — circuit breakers, disclosure, the composition of who holds equities — that frequency across that span is not measuring a constant thing.
How long did each recovery take relative to the fall?
Longer, in every case, and usually by a wide margin. The 2020 decline took 33 sessions and the recovery about five months; 2007–09 fell for seventeen months and recovered over four years; 1929–32 fell for nearly three years and recovered over twenty-five. The asymmetry is the most consistent feature of the whole table (declines are fast and recoveries are not), and it is the single most useful thing in it for anyone deciding what a drawdown will actually cost.
Does this history support the case for staying invested?
It supports the observation that every decline in the table was eventually recovered in nominal terms, which is a weaker statement than it is often used to make. The recovery periods range up to twenty-five years, and an investor whose horizon or circumstances did not span that period would not have experienced the recovery at all. The record is compatible with several conclusions; anyone quoting it in support of one is choosing, and the choice belongs to the reader rather than to a reference page.
Why does the table not include 1962, 1990 or 2011?
Because a list has to stop somewhere and the boundary is a judgement, which is worth admitting rather than hiding. The 1962 decline took the S&P 500 down roughly 28 per cent, 1990 about 20, and 2011 about 19, all bear markets or close to it, none producing a crash session comparable to October 1987. Including them would double the table and change none of its conclusions; excluding them is a choice about what "major" means, and a different author would draw the line elsewhere.
How were the recovery dates determined?
The first month in which the same index closed at or above its pre-decline peak, on a nominal price basis. That definition is stated because the alternatives give materially different answers: adding reinvested dividends shortens every figure, and adjusting for inflation lengthens them, after 1929 the inflation-adjusted recovery took substantially longer than the nominal one this table reports. A single consistent basis across all seven rows is what makes the comparison mean anything.
Do these figures include dividends?
No. Every depth and recovery figure here is price only. For a long-horizon holder that understates what actually happened by a wide margin, because dividends compounded through the recovery periods are substantial, most of the twenty-five-year figure for 1929 closes considerably faster on a total-return basis. The price series is used because it is what index charts show and what most sources quote, not because it is the most economically meaningful.
Is a 20 per cent decline really a bear market?
It is the convention, and it is arbitrary. Nothing distinguishes 19.6 per cent from 20.4 per cent except which side of a round number it fell on, and yet the threshold determines whether an episode is recorded as a bear market at all. Several declines sit close enough to the line that different sources classify them differently. Treat the label as a filing category rather than as a description of severity.
Which index should a comparison use?
The same one throughout, and it usually cannot be. The Dow is the only series long enough to cover 1929, the S&P 500 begins in its modern form much later, and the Nasdaq Composite did not exist until 1971, so any table spanning a century is necessarily stitched from different baskets. That is why each row here names its index. A chart that plots a single line labelled "the market" from 1929 to today is hiding at least two substitutions.
Do crashes cluster around any particular month?
October has an outsized reputation (1929, 1987 and 2008 all had severe October sessions), and the reputation is mostly an artefact of a small sample. Two or three memorable episodes in one month across a century is exactly what randomness produces, and the many Octobers that passed without incident are not remembered. Seasonal explanations for crash timing consistently fail out of sample.